By John Krige
In 1945, the us used to be not just the most powerful fiscal and army strength on this planet; it used to be additionally the world's chief in technology and know-how. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technological know-how in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar medical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the US. They mobilized political and monetary help to advertise not only America's medical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly warfare political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this test at medical dominance by means of the usa will be visible as a kind of "consensual hegemony," regarding the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this suggestion to investigate a chain of case stories that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential individuals of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia collage and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations examine. He info U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's examine indicates how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet grew to become differently of retaining American management and "making the realm secure for democracy."
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Extra resources for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe
Dollars. In the event, negotiations with the Soviets over the implementation of the plan soon collapsed due to intransigence and suspicion on both sides. Domestic Communist parties in the West were instructed to launch a vitriolic campaign against it. And the Kremlin forbade East European countries from participating in the scheme—as Jan Masaryk, the Czech foreign minister, put it bitterly, after being summoned to be told of the ban: “I went to Moscow as the Foreign Minister of an independent sovereign state.
S. military supremacy, secured by the atomic bomb, long-range bombers, and overseas bases in strategic areas, was guaranteed for the immediate future. British Field Marshall Montgomery esti- Science and the Marshall Plan 19 mated, late in 1946, that the Russians were “very, very, tired. ”8 The Pentagon agreed. Faced by a skeptical Congress, Truman exaggerated the danger beyond the particular circumstances that had triggered it. He implied that the United States was embarked on a crusade, not simply to check the possible expansion of Soviet power in the European theater, but to oppose Communism wherever it appeared.
The United States made aid to Britain, France, and Italy (which their governments desperately sought) conditional on their acceptance of its policies for Germany, creating immense anxiety in France in particular. To still French fears of being overrun again and to fill the gap created by Britain’s decision to decrease the size of its armed forces, Washington eventually agreed to maintain an important military presence in Western Europe within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe by John Krige
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